Three years after candidate George Bush told us he wanted to be remembered
as the "environmental President," he has done little to earn that
distinction -- unless one regards his catch-and-release policy on bonefishing
as a major environmental initiative.
We know the excuses by heart: A Treasury that is broke, an economy too
fragile to bear the weight of new environmental regulations and a skeptical
chief of staff, John Sununu, who remains unperturbed by the threat of acid
rain, ozone loss and the greenhouse effect.
Still, I'm inclined to take the President at his word when he voices his
concern for the planet. So I want to offer him a suggestion -- a simple,
constructive step that would save the Treasury money, impose no new burdens on
the economy and that even Mr. Sununu might endorse.
True, it is only a symbolic step, but its symbolism is so potent that it
could conceivably set off a revolution in consciousness -- just the sort of
revolution that may be needed if we are ever to strike a healthier relationship
between the American people and the American land.
I propose that, tomorrow morning, President Bush issue an executive order to
the Park Service to rip out the White House lawn.
I imagine that, at first blush, most Americans will be as disturbed by this
idea as I was. We are great lovers of lawn, and the White House rendition is
quite possibly the best there is. I have seen it up close. I have even run my
hand through that smooth, emerald crewcut, and can report that at 1600
Pennsylvania Avenue there stands the platonic ideal of Lawn.
There is justice in this: We Americans have traditionally looked on our
front lawns as nothing less than an institution of democracy. Beginning in the
19th century, at the urging of such landscape designer-reformers as Frederick
Law Olmsted and Andrew Jackson Downing, we took down our old-world walls and
hedges (which they had declared to be "selfish" and
"undemocratic") and spread an uninterrupted green carpet of turfgrass
across our yards, down our streets, along our highways and, by and by, across
the entire continent.
Front lawns, we decided, would unite us, and, ever since, their maintenance
has been regarded as an important ritual of consensus in America, even a civic
obligation. Indeed, the citizen who neglects to vote is sooner tolerated -- and
far more common -- than the citizen who neglects to mow: in hundreds of
communities the failure to mow is punishable by fines. That's because our
quasi-public unhedged front yards all run together -- in a sense, the White
House lawn is contiguous with every other lawn in the land -- and the laggard
who neglects to tend his lawn spoils the effect for everyone.
The democratic symbolism of the lawn may be appealing, but it carries an
absurd and, today, unsupportable environmental price tag. In our quest for the
perfect lawn, we waste vast quantities of water and energy, human as well as
petrochemical. (The total annual amount of time spent mowing lawns in America
comes to 30 hours for every man, woman, and child.) Acre for acre, the American
lawn receives four times as much chemical pesticide as any U.S. farmland.
The White House has declined to tell me how much, or what kind, of chemicals
it applies to its lawn. But it doesn't take a Freedom of Information Act
request to figure out that this lush, supergreen and weed-free carpet is being
maintained with frequent, heavy doses of poison. For that reason alone, it
would make ample sense for this Administration to set an example and say no to
lawn drugs.
But the deeper problem with the American lawn, and the reason I believe the
White House lawn must go, is less chemical than metaphysical. The lawn is a
symbol of everything that's wrong with our relationship to the land. Lawns
require pampering because we ask them to thrive where they do not belong.
Turfgrasses are not native to America, yet we have insisted on spreading
them from the Chesapeake watershed to the deserts of California without the
slightest regard for local geography. Imposed upon the land with the help of
our technology, lawns encourage us in the dangerous belief that we can always
bend nature to our will. They may bespeak democratic sentiments toward our
neighbors, but with respect to nature the politics of lawns are totalitarian.
What we need is for the President to take the lead -- to stride out onto the
South Lawn, drive the sharp edge of his spade into that unnaturally plush sod
and toss the first chunk of White House lawn onto the compost pile. To do so
would constitute an act of environmental shock therapy.
The President's choice of a replacement for the White House lawn gives him
an unprecedented opportunity to reinvent the American front yard -- and, in the
process, promote a saner approach to the environment.
With that end in view, let me offer the President a few suggestions for the
new White House grounds:
Meadow.
By letting the lawn go and gradually allowing so-called "weed"
species to take hold, the White House lawn could be transformed into a meadow
that would require only a single annual mowing or scything. This is the
cheapest alternative.
I would recommend mowing a few paths through the tall grasses. One path
might lead to the Capitol, symbolizing a new spirit of common purpose; another
could form a spur to the Appalachian Trail, recalling us to the great beauty
and variety of the American landscape.
Wetland.
With the help of the Army Corps of Engineers, we could restore a portion of
the White House grounds to its original condition, which historians tell us was
wetland.
The political symbolism of the White House standing in the middle of what
used to be called swamp might be troubling to some, however apt. But we now
recognize wetlands as one of the richest and most crucial of habitats; a White
House wetland would express a fresh appreciation for the land's history and a
respect for the well-being of other species. One small but not insurmountable
problem would be figuring out where TV correspondents could safely tape their
nightly standups without having to don unstylish waders.
Vegetable garden.
Imagine an 18-acre victory garden on the grounds of the White House, managed
according to the highest organic principles. This garden, which need not
contain any broccoli, would stand as a paradigm of environmental
responsibility.
The White House has enough land to become self-sufficient in food -- a model
of Jeffersonian independence and thrift. Alternatively, a White House garden
could help supply food for Washington's poor. Depending which party is in
power, a few elephants or donkeys should be maintained for the purpose of
fertilization.
Orchard.
This is my preferred solution. An orchard of apple trees, underplanted with
meadow grasses, would not only make the grounds productive but also beautiful
at every season. And like the lawn it would replace, an orchard of apple trees
would celebrate our democratic spirit -- but without offending nature.
"The apple is, beyond all question, the American fruit," the
minister Henry Ward Beecher declared in 1874. "It is a genuine democrat.
It can be poor [in soil], while it loves to be rich; it can be plain, although it
prefers to be ornate . . . But, whether neglected, abused, or abandoned, it is
able to take care of itself, and to be fruitful of excellences. That is what I
call being democratic."
AS tens of thousands of people recently strolled among booths of the
nation's largest organic and natural foods show here, munching on fair-trade
chocolate and sipping organic wine, a few dozen pioneers of the industry
sneaked off to an out-of-the-way conference room.
Although unit sales of organic food have leveled off and
even declined lately, versus a year earlier, the mood among those crowded into
the conference room was upbeat as they awaited a private screening of a documentary
called "Food Inc." -- a withering critique of agribusiness and industrially
produced food.
They also gathered to relish their changing political fortunes, courtesy of
the Obama administration.
"This has never been just about business," said Gary Hirshberg, chief
executive of Stonyfield Farm, the maker of organic yogurt. "We are here to
change the world. We dreamt for decades of having this moment."
After being largely ignored for years by Washington, advocates of organic
and locally grown food have found a receptive ear in the White House, which has
vowed to encourage a more nutritious and sustainable food supply.
The most vocal booster so far has been the first lady, Michelle Obama, who has
emphasized the need for fresh, unprocessed, locally grown food and, last week,
started work on a White House vegetable garden. More surprising, perhaps, are
the pronouncements out of the Department of Agriculture, an agency with long
and close ties to agribusiness.
In mid-February, Tom Vilsack, the new secretary of
agriculture, took a jackhammer to a patch of pavement outside his headquarters
to create his own organic "people's garden." Two weeks later, the Obama
administration named Kathleen Merrigan, an assistant professor at Tufts University and a
longtime champion of sustainable agriculture and healthy food, as Mr. Vilsack's
top deputy.
Mr. Hirshberg and other sustainable-food activists are hoping that such
actions are precursors to major changes in the way the federal government
oversees the nation's food supply and farms, changes that could significantly
bolster demand for fresh, local and organic products. Already, they have
offered plenty of ambitious ideas.
For instance, the celebrity chef Alice Waters recommends that the
federal government triple its budget for school lunches to provide youngsters
with healthier food. And the author Michael Pollan has called on President Obama to pursue a
"reform of the entire food system" by focusing on a Pollan priority: diversified,
regional food networks.
Still, some activists worry that their dreams of a less-processed American diet
may soon collide with the realities of Washington and the financial gloom over
much of the country. Even the Bush administration, reviled by many food
activists, came to Washington intent on reforming farm subsidies, only to be
slapped down by Congress.
Mr. Pollan, who contributes to The New York Times Magazine, likens
sustainable-food activists to the environmental movement in the 1970s. Though
encouraged by the Obama administration's positions, he worries that food
activists may lack political savvy.
"The movement is not ready for prime time," he says. "It's not like we have
an infrastructure with legislation ready to go."
Even so, many activists say they are packing their bags and heading to
Washington. They are bringing along a copy of "Food Inc.," which includes
attacks on the corn lobby and Monsanto, and intend to provide
a private screening for Mr. Vilsack and Ms. Merrigan.
"We are so used to being outside the door," says Walter Robb, co-president
and chief operating officer of Whole Foods Market,
the grocery chain that played a crucial role in making organic and natural food
more mainstream. "We are in the door now."
AT the heart of the sustainable-food movement is a belief that America has
become efficient at producing cheap, abundant food that profits corporations
and agribusiness, but is unhealthy and bad for the environment.
The federal government is culpable, the activists say, because it pays
farmers billions in subsidies each year for growing grains and soybeans. A
result is an abundance of corn and soybeans that provide cheap feed for
livestock and inexpensive food ingredients like high-fructose corn syrup.
They argue that farm policy -- and federal dollars -- should instead encourage
farmers to grow more diverse crops, reward conservation practices and promote local food networks that rely less
on fossil fuels for such things as fertilizer and transportation.
Last year, mandatory spending on farm subsidies was $7.5 billion, compared
with $15 million for programs for organic and local foods, according to the
House Appropriations Committee.
But advocates of conventional agriculture argue that organic farming simply
can't provide enough food because the yields tend to be lower than those for
crops grown with chemical fertilizer.
"We think there's a place for organic, but don't think we can feed ourselves
and the world with organic," says Rick Tolman, chief executive of the National
Corn Growers Association. "It's not as productive, more labor-intensive and
tends to be more expensive."
The ideas are hardly new. The farmland philosopher and author Wendell Berry
has been making many of the same points for decades. What is new is that the
sustainable-food movement has gained both commercial heft, with the rapid
success of organic and natural foods in the last decade, and celebrity cachet,
with a growing cast of chefs, authors and even celebrities like Oprah Winfrey and Gwyneth Paltrow who champion
the cause.
It has also been aided by more awareness of the obesity
epidemic, particularly among children, and by concerns about food safety amid seemingly
continual outbreaks of tainted supplies.
While their arguments haven't gained much traction in Washington,
sustainable-food activists and entrepreneurs have convinced more Americans to
watch what they eat.
They have encouraged the growth of farmers' markets and created such a
demand for organic, natural and local products that they are now sold at many
major grocers, including Wal-Mart.
"Increasingly, companies are looking to reduce the amount of additives,"
says Ted Smyth, who retired earlier this year as senior vice president at H. J. Heinz, the food giant.
"Consumers are looking for more authentic foods. This trend absolutely has
percolated through into mainstream foods."
While the idea of sustainable food is creeping into the mainstream, the
epicenter of the movement remains the liberal stronghold of Berkeley, Calif.
It was there in 1971 that Ms. Waters started a restaurant, Chez Panisse,
that used fresh, organic and locally grown products, a novelty at the time that
has been widely copied by other chefs. In the years since, she has become a
food celebrity, the "mother of slow food," as a "60 Minutes" profile called
her.
Mr. Pollan teaches journalism at the University of California, Berkeley, and
is among a group of authors who have tapped into a wide audience for books that
encourage local or organic foods while detailing what they view as health and
environmental risks of processed foods and large-scale agriculture.
His book "The Omnivore's Dilemma" has remained on best-seller lists since it
was published in 2006. Another activist, Eric Schlosser, wrote "Fast
Food Nation," a critical look at industrialized fast food that was published in
2001 and is now required reading at some colleges. And Marion Nestle, a
nutrition professor at New York University, has
become a ubiquitous and widely quoted critic of commercial food manufacturers.
Beyond authors, academics and chefs, the sustainable-food movement also owes
much of its current success to pioneers in the organic and natural foods
industry. Many started their businesses for idealistic reasons and have since
turned their start-ups into multimillion-dollar, even billion-dollar,
corporations.
Manufacturers improved their organic and natural products, long confined to
musty natural-food stores, so they could compete with conventional foods on
packaging and taste. Whole Foods Market also lured more mainstream customers by
redefining what a grocery store should look like, creating lush displays of
produce and fish that have influenced more traditional grocers.
Nancy M. Childs, a professor of food marketing at St. Joseph's University,
said sustainable food activists forced the broader public to focus on the
quality and sourcing of food, which in turn has prompted demand for farmers'
markets and local produce. She says that "continual attention in the news" also
gave the movement legs.
But Ms. Childs worries that some of the activists' recommendations for
buying fresh, local or organic food cannot be adopted by many Americans because
those foods may be too expensive. "By singling out certain lifestyles and
foods, it's diminishing very good quality nutrition sources," she says. "Frozen
goods, canned goods, they are not bad things. What's important is that people
eat well, within their means."
"We'd all love to live on a farm in Vermont, right?" she adds.
Even Jeffrey Hollender, the president of the green cleaning-products company
Seventh Generation, worries that some of his movement's messages are a tough
sell when consumers are stretched thin.
Although some people argue that there are hidden costs to cheap food, from
environmental damage caused by factory farms and fertilizer runoff to the
health costs associated with eating highly processed, calorie-laden food, the
fact remains that commercially produced food is relatively inexpensive.
"The idea of the true cost of food?" Mr. Hollender asks. "That's the last
thing consumers want to hear right now."
The sustainable-food crowd isn't alone in its love fest with the Obama
administration and Mr. Vilsack. Food-safety activists have praised Mr.
Vilsack's remarks about creating a single food-safety agency, and nutrition
advocates are enthused about his comments on school lunches and health care reform.
"There are tremendous opportunities with health care reform," says Michael
F. Jacobson, executive director of the Center
for Science in the Public Interest. "Cutting sodium consumption in half
should save over 100,000 lives a year."
THERE is little in Tom Vilsack's résumé to suggest that he would one day be
lionized by America's food glitterati.
A native of Pittsburgh, he became a small-town mayor and lawyer in Iowa,
where he represented struggling farmers during the farm crisis in the 1980s. As
a state senator and later as governor of Iowa, Mr. Vilsack promoted ethanol
production and agricultural biotech, leading one consumer group to label him a
"shill" for Monsanto.
When a coalition of food activists and farmers, Food Democracy Now,
circulated a petition urging President Obama to pick an agriculture secretary
committed to sustainability, Mr. Vilsack was not one of its recommended
candidates.
Mr. Vilsack said that he was a chubby child and maintains a deep affection
for cookies. But something has changed in
Mr. Vilsack, an avid runner, including his eating habits. "I'm much more
inclined to eat fresh fruits and vegetables," he says. "I had organic yogurt
for breakfast. Trust me, I would have not have had that two years ago, or four
years ago."
He was motivated to eat healthier because he is expecting his first
grandchild and regrets that his parents did not live to meet his own children.
Mr. Vilsack's brief tenure at the agriculture department has unnerved the
food lobby and cheered sustainable-food activists, who are in agreement with
many of his stated priorities.
He has said he hopes to devote more resources to child nutrition to improve
the quality of school breakfasts and lunches. He also wants to make sure that
only healthy choices are available in school vending machines.
Noting that the department's recently released Census of Agriculture
included more than 100,000 new small farmers, he said he wanted his agency to
help them develop regional distribution networks. The small farms' produce
could be sold to institutional buyers like schools.
Ultimately, he said, agriculture and food policy should fit into the Obama
administration's planned overhaul of health care, by encouraging nutrition to
prevent disease. It should also be part of the effort to combat climate change, by
encouraging renewable energy and conservation on farms, he said.
Of course, Mr. Vilsack will need the approval of Congress for any major
changes in farm policy, and therein lies his greatest challenge. Congress passed
a farm bill last year that
details farm policy for the next five years, and farm-state legislators say
they are not interested in starting over.
When the Obama administration recently proposed a budget that would cut
subsidies to the nation's largest farmers and bolster child nutrition payments,
it was greeted with hostility in Congress, even by some Democrats.
It didn't help that Mr. Vilsack framed the budget as a choice between
helping 90,000 farmers or 30 million children, a statement that he later
characterized as inartful.
Representative Frank D. Lucas, Republican of Oklahoma and the ranking
minority member of the House Agriculture Committee, said in a statement that
"this proposal is ill-timed, ill-conceived and completely out of touch with the
realities of agriculture production."
FOR all the enthusiasm that sustainable-food activists and celebrities have
for the Obama administration, their sudden interest in Washington has already
ruffled feathers.
Ms. Waters wrote a letter to the Obamas in January suggesting that she
convene a "kitchen cabinet" to pick a suitable chef for the White House, "a
person with integrity and devotion to the ideals of environmentalism, health
and conservation." Her letter touched off withering criticism in the
blogosphere, with one food pundit blasting what he called Ms. Waters's
"inflexible brand of gastronomical correctness."
The Obamas stuck with the existing chef, who it turns out was already an
ardent -- though quiet -- proponent of locally grown food.
In addition, some sustainable-farm advocates who have worked on these issues
for decades in Washington are chafing at the idea of celebrity activists
swooping into town.
Ferd Hoefner, policy director of the Sustainable Agriculture Coalition, says
that during the Carter administration he fought to get $5 million in federal
money to promote farmers' markets (about the same as allocated last year).
While he acknowledges that it has been an uphill fight, Mr. Hoefner said the
activists had made major strides in recent years, winning more federal dollars
for organic research and to help farmers convert to organic methods and add
value to their operations by, for example, converting to grass-fed beef. As
part of the economic stimulus plan, the
Agriculture Department also plans to award $250 million in loan guarantees,
spread over the next two years, for local and regional food networks, he said.
Mr. Hoefner said he was impressed by the number of people who rallied for a
White House garden. "We just want to make sure that interest in that symbolic
action can be channeled into some of the more difficult policy challenges," he
said.
Senator Tom Harkin, Democrat of Iowa and
chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, welcomes newcomers to the cause
but cautions that farm policy "does not have sharp turns."
Mr. Harkin has spent years trying to increase federal dollars for child
nutrition and for conservation programs that reward farmers for protecting the
environment, relatively small programs that he says can expand under the Obama
administration.
"We bend the track a little bit and get the train going in a little bit
different direction," he says. "We're hoping we can bend it a little bit more.
Consumers are demanding it."
There are already signs that the sustainable-agriculture track is bending
farther than before. The conservative pundit George F. Will wrote a column
endorsing many of Mr. Pollan's ideas, and a prominent food industry lobbyist
who requested anonymity because he wasn't authorized to speak to reporters said
he was amazed at how many members of Congress were carrying copies of "The Omnivore's
Dilemma."
"I'm not sure how much it's penetrating the mom shopping at Food Lion," he
says. "I've had so many members mention Michael's name to me, it's staggering."
Back in Anaheim, Mr. Hirshberg, the head of Stonyfield Farm, said he, too,
is optimistic that change is at hand. But he reminded the small crowd that the
organic industry remains a "rounding error," roughly 3 percent, of the overall
food and beverage business.
"We're at the starting line," he says. "This is our job, our government. We've
got to take it back."
In the six-and-one-half years since the federal government began certifying
food as "organic," Americans have taken to the idea with considerable
enthusiasm. Sales have at least doubled, and three-quarters of the nation's
grocery stores now carry at least some organic food. A Harris poll in
October 2007 found that about 30 percent of Americans buy organic food at least
on occasion, and most think it is safer, better for the environment and
healthier.
"People believe it must be better for you if it's organic," says Phil
Howard, an assistant professor of community, food and agriculture at Michigan State University.
So I discovered on a recent book tour around the United States and Canada.
No matter how carefully I avoided using the word "organic" when I spoke to
groups of food enthusiasts about how to eat better, someone in the audience
would inevitably ask, "What if I can't afford to buy organic food?" It seems to
have become the magic cure-all, synonymous with eating well, healthfully,
sanely, even ethically.
But eating "organic" offers no guarantee of any of that. And the truth is
that most Americans eat so badly -- we get 7 percent of our calories
from soft drinks, more than we do from vegetables; the top food group by
caloric intake is "sweets"; and one-third of nation's adults are now obese --
that the organic question is a secondary one. It's not unimportant, but it's
not the primary issue in the way Americans eat.
To eat well, says Michael Pollan, the author of "In Defense of
Food," means avoiding "edible food-like substances" and sticking to real
ingredients, increasingly from the plant kingdom. (Americans each consume an
average of nearly two pounds a day of animal products.) There's plenty of
evidence that both a person's health -- as well as the environment's -- will
improve with a simple shift in eating habits away from animal products and
highly processed foods to plant products and what might be called "real food."
(With all due respect to people in the "food movement," the food need not be
"slow," either.)
From these changes, Americans would reduce the amount of land, water and
chemicals used to produce the food we eat, as well as the incidence of
lifestyle diseases linked to unhealthy diets, and greenhouse gases from
industrial meat production. All without legislation.
And the food would not necessarily have to be organic, which, under the United States
Department of Agriculture's definition, means it is generally free of
synthetic substances; contains no antibiotics and
hormones; has not been irradiated
or fertilized with sewage sludge; was raised without the use of most
conventional pesticides;
and contains no genetically modified ingredients.
Those requirements, which must be met in order for food to be labeled
"U.S.D.A. Organic," are fine, of course. But they still fall short of the lofty
dreams of early organic farmers and consumers who gave the word "organic" its
allure -- of returning natural nutrients and substance to the soil in the same
proportion used by the growing process (there is no requirement that this be done);
of raising animals humanely in accordance with nature (animals must be given
access to the outdoors, but for how long and under what conditions is not
spelled out); and of producing the most nutritious food possible (the evidence
is mixed on whether organic food is more nutritious) in the most ecologically
conscious way.
The government's organic program, says Joan Shaffer, a spokeswoman for the
Agriculture Department, "is a marketing program that sets standards for what
can be certified as organic. Neither the enabling legislation nor the
regulations address food safety or nutrition."
People don't understand that, nor do they realize "organic" doesn't mean
"local." "It doesn't matter if it's from the farm down the road or from Chile,"
Ms. Shaffer said. "As long as it meets the standards it's organic."
Hence, the organic status of salmon flown in from Chile, or of frozen
vegetables grown in China and sold in the United States -- no matter the size of
the carbon footprint left behind by getting from there to here.
Today, most farmers who practice truly sustainable farming, or what you
might call "organic in spirit," operate on small scale, some so small they can't
afford the requirements to be certified organic by the government. Others say
that certification isn't meaningful enough to bother. These farmers argue that,
"When you buy organic you don't just buy a product, you buy a way of life that
is committed to not exploiting the planet," says Ed Maltby, executive director
of the Northeast Organic Dairy Producers Alliance.
But the organic food business is now big business, and getting bigger.
Professor Howard estimates that major corporations now are responsible for at
least 25 percent of all organic manufacturing and marketing (40 percent if you
count only processed organic foods). Much of the nation's organic food is as
much a part of industrial food production as midwinter grapes, and becoming
more so. In 2006, sales of organic foods and beverages totaled about $16.7
billion, according to the most recent figures from Organic Trade Association.
Still, those sales amounted to slightly less than 3 percent of overall food
and beverage sales. For all the hoo-ha, organic food is not making much of an
impact on the way Americans eat, though, as Mark Kastel, co-founder of The
Cornucopia Institute, puts it: "There are generic benefits from doing organics.
It protects the land from the ravages of conventional agriculture," and
safeguards farm workers from being exposed to pesticides.
But the questions remain over how we eat in general. It may feel better to
eat an organic Oreo than a conventional Oreo, but, says Marion Nestle, a
professor at New York University's
department of nutrition, food studies and public health, "Organic junk food is
still junk food."
Last week, Michelle Obama began digging up
a patch of the South Lawn of the White House to plant an organic vegetable
garden to provide food for the first family and, more important, to educate
children about healthy, locally grown fruits and vegetables at a time when obesity and diabetes have
become national concerns.
But Mrs. Obama also emphasized that there were many changes Americans can
make if they don't have the time or space for an organic garden.
"You can begin in your own cupboard," she said, "by eliminating processed
food, trying to cook a meal a little more often, trying to incorporate more
fruits and vegetables."
Popularizing such choices may not be as marketable as creating a logo that
says "organic." But when Americans have had their fill of "value-added" and
overprocessed food, perhaps they can begin producing and consuming more food
that treats animals and the land as if they mattered. Some of that food will be
organic, and hooray for that. Meanwhile, they should remember that the word
itself is not synonymous with "safe," "healthy," "fair" or even necessarily
"good."
Mark Bittman writes the Minimalist column for the Dining
section of The Times and is the author, most recently, of "Food Matters: A
Guide to Conscious Eating."
Posted by Saor Stetler on March 22
Located in Mill Valley, California, at Edna Maguire Public Elementary School, the Mill Valley Children's Garden is a 1/3 acre outdoor classroom laboratory. The garden is a hands-on treasure for both curriculum-based teaching and exploratory creative experimentation - it is a "textbook come to life." Through the Children's Garden, children learn botany, ecology, math, science, language arts, creative arts, stewardship of the land, community service, and much more.
The Children's Garden is a grassroots, volunteer effort by the parents, faculty and community of Mill Valley. The garden operates through private funds and donations and is supported by the Edna Maguire PTA - a 501 3 (c).
Are you a parent of an Edna Maguire student interested in volunteering to help with the Mill Valley Children's Garden? Click here for more information, or contact Saor Stetler. Green thumbs are not required - all that is needed is a desire to have fun with the children in the garden while observing the cycles of nature.